The scenario is easy to imagine; such things appear in television
drama series daily. Clever scientists discover a way of bringing people back
from the dead; each weekly episode features a particular historical figure so
as to articulate some contemporary moral dilemma, social problem or hitherto
hidden human experience. For the dead of course it is a different story; to be
aware suddenly not of the end of life, of the pains of bodily decay and the
prospect of the abyss, but to be alive again and breathing in a new world where
things are rather different, but in many respects, very much the same.
The producers of such a series would presumably
commission writers to tell their tales in keeping with the character and biography
of the particular figure being brought back to life, to examine the changes
that have taken place in the locations the previously deceased once occupied,
and more generally to address the historical and social issues that arise in
the difference between the time of the deceased and the time of their
reanimation. And apart from the burning questions that motivated the clever
scientists to undertake their experiments in the first place, as episodes
unfolded and more people were brought back to life, numerous new questions
would arise that the writers could exploit to the full.
How long are these new lives going to last? Will they
have been able to remember anything of the years intervening since their
deaths? Have they been aware of their role in history, and do they wish to
clear up any misunderstanding? Is there a God? An afterlife? Or did they just
suddenly become aware again, as if one moment they were walking towards the
bright white light, and the next, waking in some unknown place many years into
the future, surrounded by a television production company?
There would be scope too in the telling of these tales
for plot developments involving some not entirely benevolent agency, funded
secretly by government, which is very interested in the work of the clever
scientists, as well as some of those brought back to life, and that might want
to bring back a few of its own. It is not likely though that such an agency
would be very interested in Spinoza -- at least not initially.
Spinoza died in February 1677 in a house on
Paviljoensgracht in Den Haag that is maintained today as a library and study centre
in memory of the philosopher. The family with whom he was living was out at
church at the time, and he was receiving a visit from a physician -- the
identity of whom is still not well established. Although it was well known he
was terminally ill, the suddenness of his departure came as a surprise to those
around him. What he was thinking on the morning of his death is a matter for
speculation, but it is certain that during his final years, he was preoccupied
with making the finishing touches to his philosophical writings, and
investigating ways by which these might be published and disseminated. He made
no formal will but left specific instructions with friends that upon his death,
his writing desk, which contained his manuscripts and correspondence, should be
shipped quickly and anonymously to his publisher in Amsterdam. Which is why his
work has become one of the most important foundations of the modern age, and is
recognised by the cognoscenti as the most brilliant philosophy of all
time.
Spinoza belongs in an ancient and venerable philosophical
tradition, which sets itself up against dualism. It is perhaps a moot point
whether such a tradition of philosophy really exists, whether there has been an
actual material trajectory set up always in opposition to dualism. If such a
tendency exists, it is surely diverse, historically specific, related always to
prevailing dualisms: the ontological commitment of any antidualist philosophy --
that which it affirms -- being thus likewise specific to its place in history.
Be that as it may, suspicions about the value of dualism have existed since
before Socrates, and Spinoza shared these.
The prevalent dualism of the 17th century was that of spirit and matter, of soul and body. This was sustained by the institutions and doctrines of organised religion. It was also the central ontological distinction of the new philosophy of Descartes, which was in the process of becoming an important element in philosophical justifications for the belief that the assorted scientific practices, which had been emerging recently in reaction to the doctrines, traditions and institutions of religion, could produce a variety of knowledge that, at the same time, would not offend doctrine, nor threaten the traditions and institutions of religion.
The absolute infinitude of substance is the most important element of the positive philosophy. Spinoza defines absolutely infinite in contrast with infinite after its own kind: “... quod ... absolute infinitum est, ad eius essentiam pertinet, quicquid essentiam exprimit et negationem nullam involvit” (6). Literally translated, in an effort to preserve the logic of the Latin case relations: ... that which is absolutely infinite, to the essence of which pertains, whatever expresses essence and involves no negation. That which expresses essence and involves no negation is absolutely infinite. It pertains by definition to the essence of the absolutely infinite that it express essence and involve no negation. It pertains therefore to the essence of absolutely infinite substance that it expresses the essence of substance and involves no negation of substance. The world is here, in your face, now and always, no more, no less.
This is also where Descartes began, but he was wracked with bad faith: he could have been intoxicated, dreaming or being deceived by an evil demon, so he doubted not only the veracity of his own thought as a thinking being in the world, but also that his body actually existed in extended space. He was left thus alone with his famous cogito ergo sum -- from which he was able miraculously to prove the existence of a traditional transcendental God, and divide substance into two qualitatively distinct realms, each with different rules and principles.
3. Nietzsche, 1968, p. 38.
4. Wittgenstein, 1981, p. 63.
5. Deleuze, 1983, p. 21.
6. Spinoza, 1977, p. 4.
7. Idem.
Deleuze, Gilles: Nietzsche & Philosophy. Athlone, London 1983.
Deleuze, Gilles: Spinoza: Practical Philosophy. City Lights, San Francisco 1988.
Deleuze, Gilles: Expressionism in Philosophy: Spinoza. Zone Books, London 1992.
Elwes, R. H. M.: The Chief Works of Benedict de Spinoza, two volumes. George Bell and Sons, London 1891.
Goldstein, Rebecca: Betraying Spinoza. Schocken Books, New York 2006.
Israel, Jonathan: Radical Enlightenment. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2001.
Llewelyn, John: Derrida on the Threshold of Sense. Macmillan, London 1986.
Nadler, Stephen: Spinoza: A Life. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1999.
Negri, Antonio: The Savage Anomaly. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis 1991.
Negri, Antonio: Subversive Spinoza. Manchester University Press, Manchester 2004.
Negri, Antonio: Political Descartes. Verso, London 2007.
Nietzsche, Friedrich: Beyond Good and Evil. Penguin, Harmondsworth 1973.
Ryan, Michael: Marxism and Deconstruction. John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore 1982.
Spinoza, Baruch: Principles of Cartesian Metaphysics. Philosophical Library, New York 1961.
Spinoza, Benedict de: Die Ethik Lateinisch/Deutsch. Reclam, Stuttgart 1977.
Spinoza, Benedict de: Ethics. Penguin, Harmondsworth 1996.
Stewart, Matthew: The Courtier and the Heretic. W. W. Norton & Company, New York 2006.
Wachowski, Andy & Lana: The Matrix. Warner Bros, Hollywood 1999.
Wittgenstein, Ludwig: Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. RKP, London 1974.
Wittgenstein, Ludwig: Zettel (2nd edition). Basil Blackwell, Oxford 1981.
The prevalent dualism of the 17th century was that of spirit and matter, of soul and body. This was sustained by the institutions and doctrines of organised religion. It was also the central ontological distinction of the new philosophy of Descartes, which was in the process of becoming an important element in philosophical justifications for the belief that the assorted scientific practices, which had been emerging recently in reaction to the doctrines, traditions and institutions of religion, could produce a variety of knowledge that, at the same time, would not offend doctrine, nor threaten the traditions and institutions of religion.
In his otherwise neutral exposition of Descartes'
metaphysics, Spinoza’s anti-dualism becomes momentarily explicit when he states
that the central ontological distinction of the Cartesian system is not an
established philosophical truth. “There will have to be a later investigation,
whether the substance that is called Mind and Body is one and the same
substance, or whether they are two different substances” (1). The grammar of
this essentially parenthetic remark is significant: “the substance that is
called Mind and Body” affirms immediately that in all but name the two are
one; “whether they are two different substances” questions immediately the
idea that they might be distinct. Spinoza's anti-dualism is at once an
affirmation of the one infinite substance that in the aforementioned “later investigation”
-- the Ethics -- will become so
important.
The opening propositions of the Ethics are a demonstration that it is absurd to propose two
separate substances; that the one infinite substance that cannot but exist,
cannot be divided and is congruent with or equivalent to the power of creation,
God or Nature. The exposition makes judicious use of well-worded definitions
and axioms, and employs medieval logic. It is a scholastic exercise of some
complexity that does not read easily in modern times. The general principle
underlying the demonstration is also medieval, but easier to grasp: real distinctions
are entirely qualitative, while quantitative distinctions can only ever be
analytical. Chopping up the world into amounts of stuff, quantities of things,
does not describe it -- except locally, for particular ends, in specific
contexts. The quantifications in question being always analytical, the outcome
of thought or some process of reasoning, which are modes or modifications of
thinking, which is in turn an attribute of substance, not a division of it.
Real substantial differences are qualitative, infinite and uncountable. There
can therefore be but one substance.
The existence of God – defined as “a being absolutely infinite,
that is, a substance consisting of an infinity of attributes, of which each one
expresses an eternal and infinite essence” (2) -- becomes thus a matter of
logic rather than belief, and is removed at a trice from the clutches of
doctrine. Hereafter, the Ethics is in
some sense plain sailing – the rest simply follows logically. Most crucially
though, dualism has been banished, and God has emerged as an immanent power
very different from the anthropomorphic transcendental deities proselytised by
Judeo-Christian tradition. For this, Spinoza's philosophy became completely
anathema. Even in the relatively enlightened environment of the 17th century
Netherlands, the threat posed by Spinozism to the institutions of religious observance,
and perforce to the foundations of society, was apocalyptic, and Spinoza
himself was regarded as a heretic.
But actually ... so little is known about the life of the
man himself that it is difficult to judge how the status of pariah affected his
everyday life. The only book published during his lifetime in own name is his
commentary on Descartes, and there is nothing at all controversial about this --
except in so far as it is about Descartes; apart from the above quoted
declaration that dividing substance in two is not warranted, it is pure exposition.
Spinoza’s heretical reputation cannot then have been based on his published
work. And yet rumours spread of an Amsterdam Jew expelled from the temple in
his youth for blasphemy, banished forever from the community, now preaching materialism
and threatening the truths of Christianity.
In a recent book about Spinoza, written specifically for
a series about the Jewish intellectual tradition, Rebecca Goldstein states, in
plain contradiction to accepted wisdom, that Spinoza’s excommunication from the
Synagogue in 1656 would not have been the social disaster that is usually
believed. He simply relinquished all claims on the family business and left the
Amsterdam Jewish community behind to lead a quiet life as an itinerant artisan,
grinding lenses of high quality. Hereafter his reputation is one of simplicity,
economy, intellectual piety and social isolation - apart from contact with a
close circle of friends and occasional visiting men of letters, he kept himself
pretty much to himself. To this extent he knew perhaps well enough that being a
heretic was dangerous, but was able with his good conduct and humility, his way
of being in the world, to show those immediately concerned that his ideas might
pose some actual threat to their power, that they could in fact do no such thing;
to show, in short, that he was but a humble grinder of lenses who dabbled in
philosophy.
There is however no doubt that he developed a reputation
for advanced thinking, and was well aware that his ideas were radical enough to
unsettle the powers that be. With the dissemination from about 1670 of
manuscripts that became the Tractatus
Theologico-Politicus (published unfinished and anonymously in 1674) he was
surely participating actively in political debates -- a consequence of which
being the decision not to publish [t]he Ethics
because of the virulence of reaction to the Tractatus.
But his precise position in relation to the ruling powers of the time, in the
complex manoeuvring of the beginning of the end of the Dutch Republic, is not
known. It is of course well known that when the brothers De Witt met their untimely
end at the hands of the Den Haag mob in 1672, Spinoza had to be physically
restrained by his landlord, lest he go out into the city to castigate the mob
for their ultimate barbarity, and without doubt thereby suffer a similarly
gruesome fate. In spite of any humility and modesty, it is easy then to imagine
a man of character, of fire and charisma who was prepared to act in defiance of
unreason and in defence of principle.
Furthermore, despite his reputed desire never to get
involved in public life and to avoid political affairs, there remains the question
why, in the high summer of 1673, he took a trip to Utrecht from Den Haag, when
at the time, the two cities were at war with each other. Somewhere in the
deliberately flooded land of what is now called “the green heart” was the front
line in a complex war involving the French, the Spanish, the English, and assorted
Hanoverians -- not to mention the disgruntled inhabitants of the no longer so
United Provinces of the Netherlands themselves. In order to avoid an
unnecessary siege, Utrecht had capitulated in June 1672 to the French, in the person
of the prince of Condé -- an enlightened aristocrat who had heard of Spinoza,
and who while in the vicinity, thought to invite the great man to Utrecht for a
philosophical chat. Then at the last minute, the prince was called away on more
important business, and, so the story goes, never got to meet Spinoza. He left
instructions however that the philosopher be offered the hospitality befitting
one of his stature, and Spinoza spent two, maybe three weeks in earnest
metaphysical discourse with local theologists.
The partial record of this event tells an incomplete
story in keeping with Spinoza’s established reputation. But there is surely
more going on. Apart from the fact that it is recorded that the prince of Condé
did at some point meet with Spinoza, and also that Spinoza himself is quoted as
not fearing the wrath of the mob upon his return to Den Haag -- suggesting he
had been promised the protection of the city authorities, it would seem highly
unlikely that a trip from Den Haag to Utrecht by a person such as Spinoza under
circumstances of war and civil unrest could have been anything other than
diplomatic in nature.
Whether or not his ascetic reputation, his neutrality,
modesty and intellectual piety, are effects purely of the paucity of the historical
record, coupled with a retrospective personification of his philosophy -- not
to mention an idealised vision of the sort of austere and rigorous life that is
demanded by philosophy as such; or were rather active elements of a
sophisticated personality, created to protect and enable a more subversive will,
remains to a degree, an open question. Whatever else, Spinoza was a human
being, and it is still likely that at least during his formative years in Amsterdam,
in the predominately commercial environment of what was de facto an
autonomous and extremely prosperous republic under only nominal control
of the Spanish crown, Spinoza's opinions would have been of no real consequence
at all -- unless they stood in the way of business. Just as any philosopher
living in a decadent society with a developing reputation for iconoclasm, he
would have learned quite quickly from experience where, when and in whose
company he could express his more advanced opinions.
So if Spinoza were alive today, what would strike him
most deeply? If he were reanimated within the intellectual establishment he
would surely observe quite quickly that the Cartesian philosophy has survived
more or less intact (notwithstanding a few arcane and irrelevant quibbles about
the circularity of the cogito) while his own has suffered at the hands
of a motley crew of less than sympathetic commentators, who have committed all
manner of errors and fallacies during their work, or allowed the prejudices of their
times to overlay or otherwise contaminate his -- the trend having been set by early
biographers, in particular Colerus, whose need to condemn Spinoza’s blasphemous
attitude overwhelmed any ability to interpret his work respectfully or
impartially scrutinise the historical record. Even twentieth century academic
philosophy, which might have been expected to know better, inherited the prejudices
and suspicions of nineteenth century anti-semitism, as well as its Christian
moral indignation. For the purposes of teaching and general exposition, Spinoza
was planted within something called the "rationalist tradition" which
was contrasted with something else called the "empirical tradition" within
the latter of which twentieth century academic philosophy happily placed
itself.
Spinoza would nevertheless discover during the later
decades of the twentieth century, at the margins of academic philosophy, in
literature and revolutionary science, work that is not only sympathetic to his,
but that advances his essential message into new contexts. He would find here
the ends of threads woven into the history of human civilisation, originating
with the posthumous publication of the Ethics,
that hold his work in the highest possible regard; a tradition that knows how
to view the world sub specie aeternis, and that is perhaps still a
little awe-stuck by the ease and critical precision with which he was able to
employ the positive philosophy. He would note perhaps that even his fiercest
critics have to this extent recognized him as the philosopher's philosopher.
It would soon become clear though that dualism has taken
on a hydra-like quality, that it mutates sometimes into something called the
dialectic, and that the question of the number of substances there can ontologically
be is at a strange distance from the burning issues of the day. He would notice
that humanity's intellectual practices seem always and everywhere either to be
parasitic upon or to reproduce dualisms and dialectical oppositions of one sort
another - without being terribly aware of doing so, and to be stubbornly loyal
to an underlying and apparently substantial difference between material and
non-material stuff.
The body of a person works according to well-established biochemical
and biomechanical principles, which can be exploited if it breaks down by using
drugs, manipulation or surgical intervention. The mind of a person is
immaterial and much less susceptible to control by scientific principles: even
though psychology has made valiant efforts, its descriptions have on the whole
reflected more the conditions of their times than any essential qualities of
mind, and have always left in their wake a troublesome trail of unanswered
metaphysical questions. Whatever else, that the mind and the body are
essentially different, rather than aspects of something essentially the same,
is never seriously doubted.
Spinoza would discern that it is difficult to pinpoint
exactly where the errors involved here originate - even if sometimes the circumstances
in which they inhere and the processes by which they are reproduced can be
often clearly described. It would not escape his attention that the
intellectual practices of humanity have become diversified and specialised to
an almost infinite degree; nor that there is a distinct absence of general principles
that hold it all together; nor that thought as such has become almost entirely
subservient to personal taste and social, economic and political interests. He
would likely thus note carefully the existence of philosophers, critics and artists
who have confronted or dismantled these tendencies.
The survival of Cartesian dualism would however present Spinoza
with a series of problems he would not immediately comprehend. For this
survival is not simply the continuing existence of a metaphysical treatise in
the Platonic world of ideas, but has become a material element of social
organisation, at the end of a long and extremely complex history of social organisation,
the like of which Spinoza could never have experienced. The way things change
has changed, and somewhere along the line two substances were forged from one.
Even knowing the precise history of this event would render the problem none the
less perplexing. For how can it be the case that a state of affairs has come
into existence that is, strictly speaking, metaphysically impossible? What ever
happened to the power of metaphysics? And if there are new powers of social
organisation, which, in defiance of metaphysics, have actually produced a substantial
difference between mind and body, between spirit and matter, how is it possible
that they work at all?
There is a sense in which the film The Matrix articulates precisely what is at stake here. In
the world that separates mind from body, there really is no reason to think
that one person is stronger or faster than another because of the movements of
their “muscles in this place” -- as Morpheus signifies wryly with a flash of
his simulated eyes towards an entirely virtual environment. And the discovery
that all this reality was software, an illusion designed to pacify the will and
sublimate desire, while the native energy of millions upon millions of bodies
is tapped in the service of machines, is both glorious revelation beyond
comprehension and apocalyptic heresy.
So if Spinoza were alive today would he be making films? Perhaps
not, but he would discover that philosophers have moved out into the world and
do not only write books -- nor for that matter, do they often call themselves
philosophers. Philosophy today is a different thing from what it once was, and
appears no longer to be a place where truth is produced; that ideas, reason and
logical exposition are no longer relevant to the effort of demonstrating that
which cannot be otherwise; that truth itself has become a commodity in bizarre
economies of ego management, social representation and political expediency.
In the seventeenth century, it was in metaphysics where
the arguments took place, in the twenty-first it is in society -- and everything
this entails. In the seventeenth century, the language of debate was Latin and
the logic scholastic. In the twenty-first, arguments proliferate throughout a
social organism in a multiplicity of languages -- appearing sometimes in one discourse,
then in another, and never always obviously related to any counter argument or
reference point in a mutually recognisable reality. Under such circumstances,
philosophy is just another element in a plurality of signified stuff that has no
general relation with anything else.
In Spinoza’s time, philosophy was much more dangerous. In
some sense it was heretical even to think things through using the faculties of
reason, logically, without succumbing to the dogmas of prejudice, to the
authority of scripture, or to the temptations of personal profit. To this
extent, the heresy of Spinoza is not so much that he denied the existence of an
anthropomorphised or transcendental God, nor even that he made God equivalent
to Nature, but that he thought through the idea of God and affirmed this
absolutely, without reserve, and thus revealed the truth.
If Spinoza were ever to encounter Negri’s reading of
Spinoza, he would read that he (Spinoza) had explicitly turned philosophy into
a revolutionary activity; that in his work, metaphysics becomes a site of
struggle, a place where the truths of scripture are exposed as illusion
delusion and deception, and where the new philosophy of Descartes is seen to
fail even before it begins. Negri sees this rupture as the expression of a polarity
of power that continues to animate (post)modernity: that between the power that
dominates and the power that creates. Negri is emphatic - Spinoza did not so
much cause this rupture as articulate it. For it was the material conditions of
the times -- of the Dutch Republic, the Golden Age, the birth throes of
capitalism - that made such thought possible (and necessary). As a good
materialist, Negri would of course say this. As perhaps would Spinoza himself -
were he able to look back at his legacy, at the life his work took on after he
died, from here, from this metaphysically impossible world, built on incoherent
Cartesianism, labouring with his own history, teasing out the causes and
effects, finding out why his own work never really stood a chance. And a new
question might perhaps arise: what then would actually be dangerous, here, now,
in this strange postmodern irreality? And who better to consult than Negri, who
after all wrote his book about Spinoza while in prison for, as Foucault put it,
being an intellectual? Is it even possible that saying now, exactly what he was
saying then, would be as dangerous now, as it was then?
The illusion of postmodernity is pluralism: to be seen as
a vast accumulation and proliferation of different but equally valuable ideas,
cultural practices, moral judgements and so forth, each of which is free to
express itself, to move into the market to find its own niche. On the face of
it, this universal relativity, the freedom of expression that has been
enshrined in the more “advanced” societies of these times would contrast starkly
with the rigid strictures of Spinoza’s. But it cuts both ways: the freedom to
express whatever opinion at all reproduces a whole lot of junk, error,
misconception, falsity and so forth, all of which supplement the delusions
already favoured by ideologues. The goals of truth are not necessarily well
served by there being freedom to express opinions. And yet the freedom to speak
out, the power this offers to expose the dubious practices of the powerful has
a definite value -- even though exercising this freedom hardly diminishes the
extent to which the powerful engage in dubious practices, and appears in fact often
to spur them on, as they manipulate every medium of communication at their
disposal in reaction, strategically producing sound-bites and doublespeak that
turn every event to their advantage. In the postmodern world where anything can
be said, where everything is possible, where anything can be taken to mean
anything else, not much is actually possible at all, and everything is more or
less meaningless.
Nevertheless, one theme persists. In spite of widespread,
ungodliness, irreligiosity, principled atheism, persistent sectarian conflict,
scepticism scientism and nihilism, God is not dead. Not in the least. The power
that controls from a distance, from an other place, that determines the course
of events, lays down a moral code, restricts the ordinary freedoms of
consciousness and disciplines the native desires of bodies, is alive and well.
But it is not on the whole called God -- it has taken other names: democracy,
health care, science, the law, medicine, social responsibility, subjectivity.
Consciousness remains in awe of such notions, as well as of the “other place” where
their powers are generated, and from which they exercise their discipline. The
“other place” is no longer heaven, the powers are no longer represented by a
man with a long white beard parting clouds in wrath, but the logic is exactly
the same -- as are the emotional and ethical consequences. It is the same psychological
terrorism that has for centuries reproduced fear, generated resentment and
perpetuated resident political architectures.
The anti-dualistic attack here cannot then be to
demonstrate the necessary existence of a single, absolutely infinite substance,
or at any rate, it must surely involve much more than this. It does not appear
in any case that a substantial dualism is at issue - it is rather relational,
dialectical, axiological, the expression of a polarity of force or power, one
pole of which tends to claim a positive value at the expense of the other. But
even Nietzsche’s comprehensive, relentless and uncompromising campaign made
little difference - and in any case often undermined itself with remarks such
as: “I fear we are not getting rid of God because we still believe in grammar”
(3) -- a theme that was expanded in bewildering detail during the final decades
of the last millennium by Derrida, the ghost of whom still haunts the
conscience of today’s intellectual elites with a sense that every attempt to
move thought into new spaces, to transform it into different shapes and sizes,
to give thinking new trajectories that have nothing to do with where it has
been, will fail, because the very languages we use are always already rooted in
the past and riven with dualities, suggesting that however incoherent,
contradictory and metaphysically surprising they may be, these dualities appear
somehow to be necessary. Once again, confusion contradiction and incoherence
are allowed to run riot. Once again, simple ordinary reason finds no place to
work. It has all been said before in languages that undermine themselves.
Simple ordinary reason is a myth; there is no work in any case for any kind of
reason. And why should the way things move in the world be subject to thought
at all?
Wittgenstein’s observation that is difficult to follow
lines of thinking and to depart from these just a little- - “without falling
into one of the grooves” (4) -- might be the only antidote to this, the sharpest,
most cynical, of postmodernity’s edges. It is difficult, not impossible, and
therefore perhaps absolutely essential.
For it does not matter how often it is pointed out that
the authority of power is hollow, nor its discipline the repetition of often
very violent practices and procedures, its legitimacy is still accepted as
normal. The same holds for the power that projects inwards to produce
individual human subjects. For it does not matter how often it is repeated that
the causes of events should be sought in antecedent events of the same order, human
beings still believe that they are different, that they have inside them a sort
of something of a different order that makes things happen independently of
antecedent events -- their consciousness, their individuality, their desire,
their rights, their subjectivity. It does not matter how reasonably and carefully
an actual situation is examined, accounted for or explained with reference to
antecedent situations, if the account in question threatens the integrity of
this inside thing, then arguments and disputes will arise that have nothing to
do with reason, nor with the materiality of events, but that exclusively employ
logics of resentment and take discourse into a wilderness of mirrors.
As Deleuze pungently observes in his commentary on
Nietzsche: “... ressentiment (it’s your fault) and bad conscience (it’s
my fault) and their common fruit (responsibility) [are not] simple psychological
events but rather ... the fundamental categories of Semitic and Christian
thought, of our way of thinking and interpreting existence in general” (5). The
enemy is the same as it ever was -- the institutions and doctrines of
established religion, which have now melded into the languages, discourses and
procedures of scientism, social-democratic governance and free-market
capitalism. But speaking out against these makes no sense at all, pointing out
their intellectual vacuity with philosophical precision is simply a waste of
effort: the powers that be know now that they no longer need an ideology, that their
truth is the very architecture of the present. And here is the crux of the
matter.
The labyrinthine institutions and massive infrastructures
of postmodernity would be the most palpable difference for any traveller just
arrived from the seventeenth century. Spinoza’s journey from Den Haag to
Utrecht in July 1673 involved barges, horses and carriages and took a number of
days; the same journey in the train today takes thirty-eight minutes. The
centre of Den Haag is now a mountainous assemblage of steel, concrete and glass
that houses the Kafkaesque institutions of Dutch social democracy. Utrecht is
less encumbered with tall buildings, on account of a medieval edict, respected
to this day by the city council, that no building within the city boundary be
taller than its Cathedral tower, and apart from a number of large and grotesque
examples of nineteen-seventies modernism, the city centre has retained much of
its ancient form. Utrecht is nonetheless a vital exemplar of infrastructural
postmodernity; apart from being a centre of industry, commerce and further education,
and a busy port on the canal that connects Amsterdam to the river systems of
the Rhine and the rest of Europe, it is the central hub of both the Dutch railway
and motorway systems, functioning thus as an intersection for traffic arriving
and leaving from no less than eight directions.
Bodies become habituated to the environments within which
they move, and are accustomed now to moving in rectilinear spaces, to be
conveyed by machinery, protected from the elements of the planet by
environmental control systems. They do not clamber traipse scramble or
ploughter much. Their activities are more passive, smaller and more finely
tuned, associated with operating machinery and interfacing with data management
systems. The feedback a body receives from such activities is almost
exclusively mediated and indirect, and very often purely informational,
semiotic, impinging no sense but the intellect. The body is a vehicle,
transporting its owner’s knowledge through the interstices of postmodern space,
its rhythms tied not to the turning of the seasons, nor to the cycle of the tides,
but rather to the timetables of the working day, to the discipline of
production, its attention focused at work on the particular tasks at hand, and
in leisure on whatever freedoms it can find within the limits set by the
circumstances within which it finds itself.
Under such conditions, finding a foothold for a positive philosophy
is vital, and it is the issue that will not go away for as long as Spinoza has
been brought back to life. For all this contradiction, limitation and confusion
arises quite simply from an inadequate understanding of the substance of the
world within which we live, of which we are a part and that is all that is the
case. No matter what it believes itself to be, however complex and apparently
transcendental it has become, the proper way to analyse, understand, and come
to know the world is on the basis of its substantial materiality -- which is absolutely
infinite. Any effort to transcend this life, or to differentiate it from
something else -- whether in the name of a higher value or anything else --
will not succeed, quite simply because it is not possible to exceed the
absolutely infinite. Everything there can ever be is always already a
constituent of the absolutely infinite. There is no “other place” ... any effort
to differentiate or transcend will result only in fundamental error, confusion
and unnecessary conflict.
The absolute infinitude of substance is the most important element of the positive philosophy. Spinoza defines absolutely infinite in contrast with infinite after its own kind: “... quod ... absolute infinitum est, ad eius essentiam pertinet, quicquid essentiam exprimit et negationem nullam involvit” (6). Literally translated, in an effort to preserve the logic of the Latin case relations: ... that which is absolutely infinite, to the essence of which pertains, whatever expresses essence and involves no negation. That which expresses essence and involves no negation is absolutely infinite. It pertains by definition to the essence of the absolutely infinite that it express essence and involve no negation. It pertains therefore to the essence of absolutely infinite substance that it expresses the essence of substance and involves no negation of substance. The world is here, in your face, now and always, no more, no less.
At the same time that the infinite substance of the world
is expressing its essence, the intellect is able actively to perceive this
through the attributes. Attributes are to be understood, according to the
definition, as “quod intellectus de substantia percipit, tanquam eiusdem
essentiam constituens” (7) - that which the intellect perceives of
substance as constituting the essence of substance. The attributes of substance
are infinite, but human beings are limited and have access to only two --
thought and extension. Which is to say that they are thinking beings in an
extended world.
This is also where Descartes began, but he was wracked with bad faith: he could have been intoxicated, dreaming or being deceived by an evil demon, so he doubted not only the veracity of his own thought as a thinking being in the world, but also that his body actually existed in extended space. He was left thus alone with his famous cogito ergo sum -- from which he was able miraculously to prove the existence of a traditional transcendental God, and divide substance into two qualitatively distinct realms, each with different rules and principles.
Spinoza on the other hand could never be deceived in his thinking
since he knew the substance of the world to be absolutely infinite and thus to
involve no negation; for Spinoza, being a thinking being in the world is simply
the essential fact of human existence, and this existence is no more or less
significant than any other. Reflecting moreover on any particular existence
does not produce anything more than a limited view of existence as such. Being
a thinking being in the world is, on the other hand, always productive and
creative for as long as the world and thought are not limited. The notion of attribute
is crucial, for it signifies the active engagement of the intellect in the
world by means of which its essential nature is made perceptible. This is
materialism of the highest quality, which rules out all dualism from the start,
is situated squarely here and now, and fosters no illusions about power.
If Spinoza were alive today, it would be this that
would animate his attacks on the purported truths embodied by the architectures
of the present. Exposing these as a façade behind which powers of domination
and control work to perpetuate their existence at the expense of powers of
production and creation, is as dangerous now as it ever was. But it is what
Spinoza will do if clever scientists in a television drama series ever bring him
back to life. At the end of his episode -- the one in which the foregoing
issues are thoroughly ventilated, and during which the not entirely benevolent,
secretly funded agency, which was initially uninterested in this austere
seventeenth century philosopher, makes efforts nevertheless to prevent him
speaking his mind about the world into which he has been unwittingly reborn --
Spinoza will likely do with the remainder of his second life much the same as
he did with his first.
Repair as far as possible from active participation with powers
that perpetuate received opinion, and refuse to allow his intellect to become
party to processes that reproduce untruth. Support himself as some sort of
craftsman or artisan, dedicating his life to the perfection of his trade and
the pursuit of intellectual freedom. He will value the small things in life, live
frugally and perhaps keep cats. He will make good friends, but nobody will
describe him as sociable. He will find people with whom to share ideas, and he
will write; but will be less reluctant to publish than during his first life,
and will learn to make good use of the opportunities for communication and public
discussion that are afforded by the internet.
He will have a reputation for being difficult: some will
say he is too intellectual; others that he becomes too emotionally involved.
His friends will know however both to be based on prejudice, misunderstanding
and, above all, fear. They will know him to be passionate, kind and loving,
generous with himself, polite and charming; but they will recognise that when
chaos, delusion and deception masquerade as truth, he will become sharp, cold
and ruthlessly uncompromising.
Postface
This essay was inspired by Matthew Stewart’s book about
Leibniz and Spinoza, The Courtier and the Heretic -- in particular the opening sentence:
“It is our good fortune to live in an age when philosophy is thought to be a harmless
affair.” My reaction to this was immediate and somewhat irate -- in which
case we are not really doing philosophy! But I was not discouraged, and read on with increasing
enjoyment. The final words of the book also stand out: “[Spinoza’s] is a philosophy
for philosophers, who are as uncommon now as they have always been.”
I did not immediately react to this; rather I slipped
into the contemplative mood that became the labour of writing the essay. Spinoza
is without doubt the philosopher’s philosopher, and philosophers are indeed
rare creatures. Matthew Stewart had moreover succeeded, where many others have
signally failed, to give life to the story of Spinoza while recognizing his
genius, but without putting him on a pedestal or disregarding his humanity, and
when the historical record fails, to precede using educated guesswork and
common sense. I began then to encounter more specific questions: what would
Spinoza say if he actually were alive today, what would be the focus of his critical
precision, how would he occupy himself, and most crucially -- it seemed to me --
how could any philosophy today be as heretical now as his was then?
My conclusion is quite simply this: philosophy cannot be
anything but heretical - it must situate itself outside, beyond and sometimes in
direct opposition to the truths generated by the present, and it must become
essentially independent of the particular procedures that regulate life at any
moment in history. If it does not do this, it is not really philosophy; and if
it does so by creating distance and division, it condemns itself to confusion,
contradiction and the eternal tyranny of the dialectic, while easily becoming
the tool of ideologues and apologists for the established order.
The text of the essay embodies thus a tension between the
contradictions and intellectual insecurities entailed by taking antidualistic positions
within the remnants of the postmodern condition, and the confident clarity
of Spinozism; a struggle to replace the universal recuperation by language
of everything into the façade of established reality, with an absolute
inclusion of everything within the infinite substance of creation;
inverting a negative spiral of infinite regression into a joyful celebration
of life. The intellectual trajectory is thus both epiphany and imperative,
feeding a tradition that is often called “radical empiricism” and that, whatever
it is called, situates itself within the infinite variety of life, while
understanding its own thinking somewhat in the manner of Wittgenstein’s ladder --
to be used to climb to a place where the world can be seen aright, and then
kicked away.
Notes
1. Spinoza, 1961, p. 21.
2. Spinoza, 1996, p. 1.3. Nietzsche, 1968, p. 38.
4. Wittgenstein, 1981, p. 63.
5. Deleuze, 1983, p. 21.
6. Spinoza, 1977, p. 4.
7. Idem.
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